Monday, February 26, 2007

A History of Political Science: How? What? Why?

(Princeton Univ. Press 2007)
Chapter I: A History of Political Science: How? What? Why?
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BRITISH AND AMERICAN political scientists recently have shown an unusual degree of interest in the history of their discipline. The dawn of a new millennium prompted leading figures in the British study of politics to reflect on their past and to situate themselves in relation to it.1 In America, work on the history of political science has appeared off and on for some time, but the last decade has witnessed a positive flourishing of such studies. These studies include some in which luminaries in the discipline look back on their teachers and predecessors.2 They also include a distinct subgenre of historical studies written from within the discipline, but by scholars outside its limelight.3 The past of political science has attracted further attention recently from intellectual historians outside of the discipline in both Britain and America.4 Modern Political Science brings together political scientists and intellectual historians from both sides of the Atlantic to pursue a comparative and transnational account of the development of political inquiry in Britain and America since the late-nineteenth century. In doing so, it not only explores “what” happened in the history of political science, it also embodies a distinctive analysis of “how” and “why” we might study this history.

The recent attention given to the history of political science is both the temporal companion to and in some tension with the avowedly historical approaches that are increasingly popular within political science itself. For several decades now, as we discuss more fully in chapter 12, various neostatists and institutionalists have presented themselves as offering a historically sensitive alternative to the formalist excesses of certain variants of behavioralism or, more recently, of rational choice theory. While Modern Political Science shares these scholars’ concern to understand the present in light of the past that produced it, beyond this rather generic overlap parallels give way to significant differences of approach. Indeed, this volume is, in part, motivated by a worry that avowedly historical approaches in contemporary political science run the risk of naturalizing one particular conception of historical inquiry by proceeding as if their own way of distinguishing “historical” from “ahistorical” studies was obvious and uncontested. Even worse, these approaches can appear to be adopting this conception simply for their own polemical purposes, without the aid of extended reflection upon the practice and purpose of historical inquiry and its relation to social science. Modern Political Science attempts, then, to locate the self-described “historical institutionalism” as a contingent, recently emergent approach that is but one of multiple ways of bringing the past to bear on the study of politics. More generally, it attempts to recall the plurality and range of approaches to the past that have, at one time or another, claimed the loyalty of political scientists in Britain and America.

How to Study the History of Political Science

Modern Political Science draws on developments within the history of ideas that have transformed the ways in which we might think about disciplinary history.5 It is indebted to a radical historicism that stands in contrast to the naturalizing perspective from which political scientists commonly view their discipline and its past. The naturalizing perspective understands political science as constituted by a pregiven empirical domain—politics—and a shared intellectual agenda, to make this domain the object of a cumulative and instrumentally useful science. It thus encourages a retrospective vision that focuses, first, on the establishment of an autonomous discipline, free from the clutches of history, law, and philosophy, and, second, on charting progress made in the subsequent development of that discipline.6
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Full-text of the first chapter available:
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Tuesday, February 20, 2007

Europe's True Stories

Timothy Garton Ash, Oxford University
Prospect Magazine, February 2007
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Europe has lost the plot. As we approach the 50th anniversary of the treaty of Rome on 25th March 2007—the 50th birthday of the European economic community that became the European Union—Europe no longer knows what story it wants to tell. A shared political narrative sustained the postwar project of (west) European integration for three generations, but it has fallen apart since the end of the cold war. Most Europeans now have little idea where we're coming from; far less do we share a vision of where we want to go to. We don't know why we have an EU or what it's good for. So we urgently need a new narrative.
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I propose that our new story should be woven from six strands, each of which represents a shared European goal. The strands are freedom, peace, law, prosperity, diversity and solidarity. None of these goals is unique to Europe, but most Europeans would agree that it is characteristic of contemporary Europe to aspire to them. Our performance, however, often falls a long way short of the aspiration. That falling short is itself part of our new story and must be spelled out. For today's Europe should also have a capacity for constant self-criticism.
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In this proposal, our identity will not be constructed in the fashion of the historic European nation, once humorously defined as a group of people united by a common hatred of their neighbours and a shared misunderstanding of their past. We should not even attempt to retell European history as the kind of teleological mythology characteristic of 19th-century nation-building. No good will come of such a mythopoeic falsification of our history ("From Charlemagne to the euro"), and it won't work anyway. The nation was brilliantly analysed by the historian Ernest Renan as a community of shared memory and shared forgetting; but what one nation wishes to forget another wishes to remember. The more nations there are in the EU, the more diverse the family of national memories, the more difficult it is to construct shared myths about a common past.
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Nor should our sense of European togetherness be achieved by the negative stereotyping of an enemy or "other" (in the jargon of identity studies), as Britishness, for example, was constructed in the 18th and 19th centuries by contrast with a stereotyped France. After the collapse of the Soviet communist "east," against which western Europe defined itself from the late 1940s until 1989, some politicians and intellectuals now attempt to find Europe's "other" in either the US or Islam. These attempts are foolish and self-defeating. They divide Europeans rather than uniting them. Both the negative stereotyping of others and the mythmaking about our own collective past are typical of what I call Euronationalism—an attempt to replicate nationalist methods of building political identity at the European level.
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In this proposal, Europe's only defining "other" is its own previous self: more specifically, the unhappy, self-destructive, at times downright barbaric chapters in the history of European civilisation. With the wars of the Yugoslav succession and the attempted genocide in Kosovo, that unhappy history stretches into the very last year of the last century. This is no distant past. Historical knowledge and consciousness play a vital role here, but it must be honest history, showing all the wrinkles, and not mythistoire...
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Full-text available, click here.
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Monday, February 19, 2007

European Identity and Its Changing Others

Iver B. Neumann, NUPI-Norwegian Institute of International Affairs
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[Abstract] Taking its clue from Finnish experiences with identity politics, this lecture introduces the concept of collective identity. Collective identity is about forging an acting ‘we ’. It constitutes the polis, and is therefore basic to any politics. Constituting the polis is a relational act: the group in question constitutes itself by drawing up and maintaining boundaries towards other groups. Drawing on these insights, the bulk of the lecture discusses European identity in term of Europe’s relations to some of its constituting others. Pointing to the importance of not sealing itself off from its Muslim citizens and neighbors, the lecture ends with a plea for Turkish EU membership.
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Full-text available, click here.
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Tuesday, February 13, 2007

Some Ideas on Turkey's Bid for EU Membership (IV)

Turkey, Europe, and Paradoxes of Identity: Perspectives on the International Context of Democratization , Ziya Onis
The Impact of the European Union on Democracy in Turkey and Its Implications for the Region , Demet Yalcin
Turkey's Accession Process to the EU, Olli Rehn
Turkey and Europe- Dossier, Quantara.de Magazine
Europe and Turkey: the End of the Beginning, Fadi Hakura
Europe and Turkey: Sour Romance or Rugby Match?, Fadi Hakura
Turkey's Future: EU Member or 'Islamist Rogue State'?-I, Dietrich Jung
Turkey's Future: EU Member or 'Islamist Rogue State'?-II , Dietrich Jung
The Myths of Turkish Influence in the European Union , Robert Pahre & Burcu Uçaray
Seeking Kant in the EU's Relations with Turkey, Senem Aydın Düzgit
Secular Turks and Islamists fight for supremacy in the courts and streets , The Guardian-Ian Traynor
Turkey and Europe: An Invitation To Dance? , Handan T. Satiroglu
France's Draft Law on the Armenian Genocide: Some Legal and Political Implications at EU Level, Senem Aydin, Sergio Carrera & Florian Geyer
Just what is this 'absorption capacity' of the European Union?, M. Emerson, S.Aydin, J. Sachsse and G. Noutcheva
Turkey in EU, Erkan's Field Diary
Turkey and the European Union (EU): Web Links, USIP
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Some Ideas on Turkey's Bid for EU Membership III, The Reflection Cafe
Some Ideas on Turkey's Bid for EU Membership II, The Reflection Cafe
Some Ideas on Turkey's Bid for EU Membership (I), The Reflection Cafe
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Monday, February 12, 2007

The Idea of the West: Changing Perspectives on Europe and America

Andrew Gamble, University of Sheffield
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ABSTRACT
America owes its origins to Europe and is unthinkable without Europe, but there has always been a strand of American thinking which has downplayed the connection and wished to assert the exceptionalism of the American experience and the need for America to keep Europe at a distance to involve contamination from its old, corrupt power politics. Europeans were fascinated by the new world unfolding in America, which contrasted so sharply with their own, yet was so intimately related to it. At the same time they regarded America as for the most part a novice and outsider in world politics. Recently roles have been reversed, with many Europeans condemning America as a new Empire, while many Americans accuse Europe of refusing to share the burdens and make the hard choices needed for global leadership. The idea of the West which for four decades united Western Europe under American leadership after 1945 has been undermined. Different current meanings of the ‘West’ are explored through recent arguments about the nature of the relationship between Europe and America, focusing on narratives of security, modernity and ideology. A number of possible scenarios for the future of this relationship are then outlined.
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Institute of European Studies
Univ. of California, Berkeley
Paper 060419, Year 2006
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